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Backhoes and excavators were used to dig mass graves and fill them with corpses. Some argue that the same political dynamic is at work in the United States.

After the verdict, Carl Bildt, a European Union and U. peace envoy who had met with Mladić during the conflict and demanded that he protect the Srebrenica prisoners, told me that Mladić’s decision still haunted him. The willingness of opportunistic leaders to vilify minorities, and then flatly deny it, lives on.

A three-judge panel, comprised of jurists from the Netherlands, South Africa, and Germany, ruled that, as part of Mladić’s drive to terrorize Muslims and Croats into leaving a self-declared Serb mini-state, “groups of women, and girls as young as twelve-years-old, were routinely and brutally raped” by Mladić’s forces.

The judges detailed how soldiers under Mladić’s command killed, brutalized, and starved unarmed Muslim and Croat prisoners: twenty-four prisoners suffocated and died inside a transport truck; in one camp, soldiers machine-gunned a hundred and ninety prisoners; and, in one case, “detainees were forced to rape and engage in other degrading sexual acts with one another.” Mladić’s forces “deliberately shelled and sniped the civilian population of Sarajevo,” while the residents were “walking with their children, fetching water, collecting wood or while at the market.” Mladić’s forces took U. peacekeepers hostage in order to thwart retaliatory air strikes, and, in the final months of the conflict, after taking the town of Srebrenica, “systematically murdered several thousand Bosnian Muslim men and boys.” “The crimes committed rank among the most heinous known to humankind,” Alphons Orie, the presiding judge, declared, before sentencing Mladić to life in prison.

N.-created body that adjudicated the cases of all hundred and sixty-one people it indicted for war crimes, including sixty-five who were arrested and brought to The Hague to face justice.